The Cold War did end in the victory of one side and in the defeat of the other. This reality cannot be denied, despite the understandable sensitivities that such a conclusion provokes among the tenderhearted in the West and some of the former leaders of the defeated side.

Zbigniew Brzezinski

The first 'world' war was in reality the last European war fought by globally significant European powers.

Zbigniew Brzezinski

The future is inherently full of discontinuities, and lessons of the past must be applied with enormous caution.

Zbigniew Brzezinski

The congressional role in declaring war is especially important not when the United States is the victim of an attack, but when the United States is planning to wage war abroad.

Zbigniew Brzezinski

A president who aspires to be recognized as a global leader should not personally stake out a foreign-policy goal, commit himself eloquently to its attainment, and then yield the ground when confronted by firm opposition.

Zbigniew Brzezinski

Only a dynamic and strategically-minded America, together with a unifying Europe, can jointly promote a larger and more vital West, one capable of acting as a responsible partner to the rising and increasingly assertive East.

Zbigniew Brzezinski

The financial catastrophe of 2008 nearly precipitated a calamitous economic depression, jolting America and much of the West into a sudden recognition of their systemic vulnerability to unregulated greed.

Zbigniew Brzezinski

The culture of self-gratification and deregulation that began during the Clinton years and continued under President George W. Bush led to the bursting of one stock market bubble at the turn of the century and a full-scale financial crash less than a decade later.

Zbigniew Brzezinski

The costly unilateralism of the younger Bush presidency led to a decade of war in the Middle East and the derailment of American foreign policy at large.

Zbigniew Brzezinski

As America's nuclear strategic monopoly faded, the United States sought to create advantages elsewhere, notably in the peaceful cooperation between the United States and communist China under Deng Xiaoping.

Zbigniew Brzezinski

With the decline of America's global preeminence, weaker countries will be more susceptible to the assertive influence of major regional powers.

Zbigniew Brzezinski

The potential for regional conflict in the absence of an internationally active America is real.

Zbigniew Brzezinski

Pakistan's political instability is its greatest vulnerability, and a decline in U.S. power would reduce America's ability to aid Pakistan's consolidation and development.

Zbigniew Brzezinski

A waning United States would likely be more nationalistic, more defensive about its national identity, more paranoid about its homeland security, and less willing to sacrifice resources for the sake of others' development.

Zbigniew Brzezinski

War triggers unforeseeable military dynamics and sets off massive political shocks, creating new problems as well as new opportunities.

Zbigniew Brzezinski

I was deeply involved in the decision that President Jimmy Carter made to boycott the Olympics in Moscow in 1980.

Zbigniew Brzezinski

One-sided national economic triumphs cannot be achieved in the increasingly interwoven global economy without precipitating calamitous consequences for everyone.

Zbigniew Brzezinski

Pessimism about America's future tends to underestimate its capacity for self-renewal.

Zbigniew Brzezinski

It is in the U.S. interest to engage Iran in serious negotiations - on both regional security and the nuclear challenge it poses.

Zbigniew Brzezinski

War on terrorism reflects, in my view, a rather narrow and extremist vision of foreign policy for a superpower and for a great democracy with genuinely idealistic traditions.

Zbigniew Brzezinski

Zbigniew Brzezinski Quotes

The Cold War did end in the victory of one side and in the defeat of the other. This reality cannot be denied, despite the understandable sensitivities that such a conclusion provokes among the tenderhearted in the West and some of the former leaders of the defeated side.

The first 'world' war was in reality the last European war fought by globally significant European powers.

The future is inherently full of discontinuities, and lessons of the past must be applied with enormous caution.

The congressional role in declaring war is especially important not when the United States is the victim of an attack, but when the United States is planning to wage war abroad.

A president who aspires to be recognized as a global leader should not personally stake out a foreign-policy goal, commit himself eloquently to its attainment, and then yield the ground when confronted by firm opposition.

Only a dynamic and strategically-minded America, together with a unifying Europe, can jointly promote a larger and more vital West, one capable of acting as a responsible partner to the rising and increasingly assertive East.

The financial catastrophe of 2008 nearly precipitated a calamitous economic depression, jolting America and much of the West into a sudden recognition of their systemic vulnerability to unregulated greed.

The culture of self-gratification and deregulation that began during the Clinton years and continued under President George W. Bush led to the bursting of one stock market bubble at the turn of the century and a full-scale financial crash less than a decade later.

The costly unilateralism of the younger Bush presidency led to a decade of war in the Middle East and the derailment of American foreign policy at large.

As America's nuclear strategic monopoly faded, the United States sought to create advantages elsewhere, notably in the peaceful cooperation between the United States and communist China under Deng Xiaoping.

With the decline of America's global preeminence, weaker countries will be more susceptible to the assertive influence of major regional powers.

The potential for regional conflict in the absence of an internationally active America is real.

Pakistan's political instability is its greatest vulnerability, and a decline in U.S. power would reduce America's ability to aid Pakistan's consolidation and development.

A waning United States would likely be more nationalistic, more defensive about its national identity, more paranoid about its homeland security, and less willing to sacrifice resources for the sake of others' development.

War triggers unforeseeable military dynamics and sets off massive political shocks, creating new problems as well as new opportunities.

I was deeply involved in the decision that President Jimmy Carter made to boycott the Olympics in Moscow in 1980.

One-sided national economic triumphs cannot be achieved in the increasingly interwoven global economy without precipitating calamitous consequences for everyone.

Pessimism about America's future tends to underestimate its capacity for self-renewal.

It is in the U.S. interest to engage Iran in serious negotiations - on both regional security and the nuclear challenge it poses.

War on terrorism reflects, in my view, a rather narrow and extremist vision of foreign policy for a superpower and for a great democracy with genuinely idealistic traditions.